How the U.S. Can Support Peace and Democracy in the Horn of Africa


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News Article by ANS posted on October 24, 2000 at 01:16:59: EST (-5 GMT)

How the U.S. Can Support Peace and Democracy in the Horn of Africa

Africa News Service
Durham, NC
October 23, 2000

An Appeal to the New Clinton Administration from U.S.
Non-Governmental Organizations

With public attention focused on Somalia, a group of about 40
American-based humanitarian, development, religious and relief
groups has issued an appeal to the incoming Clinton administration
for an innovative policy toward the Horn of Africa. The region
encompasses the nations of Djibouti, Ethiopia, Somalia and Sudan,
as well as the self-declared Republic of Somaliland in the north of
Somalia and the territory of Eritrea, which is to become an
independent state in April.

The statement by non-governmental organizations (NGOs), reprinted
below, calls for a combination of relief, peace, reconstruction and
political initiatives.

T hese are the worst of times and the best of times in the Horn of
Africa, a region which includes Ethiopia, Eritrea, Sudan, Djibouti,
Somalia and the unrecognized Republic of Somaliland. Twenty-three
million residents of the Horn are at risk of starvation; 7 million have
been uprooted due to violence and famine, and 7,000 are dying each
week as a result. A complete breakdown in many places of both
traditional and state structures has made Somalia the worst
humanitarian crisis in the world today. Egregious human rights
violations, religious and ethnic persecution, and severe famine in the
south and west are witnessed with increasing frequency in Sudan,
wracked by civil war since 1983. Even Djibouti is beset by civil
conflict.

On the other hand, two of the world's most brutal dictators have been
overthrown in the past two years in Ethiopia and Somalia. One of the
world's longest wars has ended in Eritrea. Local reconstruction has
begun in some areas. Post-war Ethiopia and Eritrea are just
beginning efforts at democratization.

Even as the world searches for new ways to provide emergency
assistance to the 23 million people in the Horn who are at risk of
starvation, a parallel effort must be undertaken to support the fledgling
attempts throughout the region at reconstruction and popular
participation in decision-making.

In that spirit, the Coalition for Peace in the Horn of Africa, an ad hoc
collaboration of U.S.-based non-governmental organizations (NGOs),
presents a series of principles and initiatives designed to feed the
Horn's most vulnerable, prevent future holocausts from recurring and
build a sound basis for sustainable peace in the region.

In April 1992, the U.S. Congress passed the Horn of Africa Recovery
and Food Security Act. Bread for the World, the Center of Concern
and scores of other humanitarian and religious organizations, as
partners in the Coalition for Peace in the Horn of Africa, supported this
bill. In previous decades, U.S. policy emphasized military and
economic aid to despotic regimes perceived to be useful in the
context of the Cold War. The new law mandates an active U.S. role in
peace-making and directs U.S. aid to grass-roots development
programs.

Thus far these legislative objectives have had little impact on the
executive branch. ...

The NGOs and the individuals listed at the end of this document
support the following principles and initiatives for the new
administration to pursue in the areas of humanitarian relief, peace,
reconstruction and democratization.

Humanitarian Relief

Assistance should be made available to all vulnerable people in the
Horn of Africa, regardless of race, ethnicity, religion, gender, political
orientation or geographical location.

The United States, in conjunction with a revitalized United Nations,
should work assiduously to achieve cease-fires, safe passage
agreements and corridors of tranquillity for relief supplies.

Warring factions should not be allowed to exercise veto power over
humanitarian operations.

The United States should encourage the international donor
community to involve all fragments of civil society in planning and
implementing aid programs. Local NGOs and community structures
should be strengthened and empowered to participate fully in the
delivery of relief supplies.

In situations of genocide or mass starvation such as Somalia, or in
situations where active diplomacy has failed to encourage the free
passage of aid as in the case of Sudan, the UN Security Council
should deploy armed escorts to protect relief supplies. But even
limited armed intervention must be planned very carefully with clear
humanitarian objectives.

Peace Initiatives

Either acting with its allies or through the United Nations and/or the
Organization of African Unity, the United States must energetically
pursue all diplomatic channels to end war and war-induced famine in
the Horn. The wars raging in Sudan, Somalia and Djibouti have not
been the focus of sustained, high-level efforts at conflict resolution. The
same diplomatic vigor which accompanied the creation of the Gulf
War coalition should be employed in the quest for peace in the Horn of
Africa.

Further, the United States must place greater emphasis on the
prevention of conflict and humanitarian crisis. The horror of Somalia
should not detract from a fundamental lesson: Had there been
intervention to assist Siad Barre's early departure and a subsequent
political process, a much less violent transition may have resulted.
Preemptive diplomacy, such as U.S. involvement in Ethiopia's
transition in 1991, is critical.

The peace-making efforts of NGOs and indigenous groups should
also be respected and supported. Locally initiated peace processes
have generated positive results during the last few years among militia
leaders in Darfur (western Sudan), community leaders in the
unrecognized Republic of Somaliland, clan elders in certain areas of
Somalia, and local councils in Ethiopia.

The United States should contribute its agreed-upon share of financial
and other support for UN peacekeeping operations. Peacekeeping
funds should be drawn from the defense budget.

The UN Security Council must proactively move to staunch the flow of
weapons into the Horn. Iran and China have publicly provided arms to
the government in Sudan, but numerous countries privately give
weapons to that regime as well as to some of the Somali combatants.
Certain Middle Eastern allies of the United States should be particular
targets of a campaign of regional nonproliferation of weapons.

Reconstruction

The United States should make a long-term commitment to support
reconstruction in the Horn. Reconstruction is an imperative component
of reconciliation and democratization. For areas that are relatively
tranquil and for emerging governments that develop participatory
processes, outside aid is critical.

Reconstruction aid should be geared toward grass-roots, sustainable,
people-centered development. Projects and programs should involve
local communities, indigenous NGOs and local government structures
in planning, implementing and managing projects. Otherwise, the
activities will not be sustainable.

More resources need to be channeled through international NGOs in
supporting local efforts and forming equal partnerships with local
groups. Indigenous religious entities, relief and rehabilitation
organizations, and other local groups have carried out locally defined
development activities even in conflict areas. International NGOs,
many of which are based in the United States, have been helpful in
assisting local development efforts of indigenous groups, as well as in
initiatives of their own. More assistance for local institution-building
would be useful.

The United States should urge the World Bank and International
Monetary Fund to be flexible in negotiating economic reform programs
with Horn governments. The World Bank and other major donors are
supporting a structural adjustment program in Ethiopia. There are
profound social impacts to this difficult restructuring period. It is
important not only to provide programs to soften the impact on the
poor and vulnerable, but to ensure that sufficient investments are
made in these groups in order to lay the foundation for sustainable
economic development. The United States should be supportive of
adjustment programs that emphasize food security and access to
productive resources for small farmers and pastoralists and which are
formulated through a democratic process.

The United States should quickly launch a bilateral aid program in
Eritrea and urge other donors to do the same. While awaiting a
referendum on independence, Eritrea remains unrecognized as a
nation, a status that has deprived it of most of
government-to-government aid. After 30 years of war, reconstruction
needs are enormous and require a rapid response.

The United States should provide assistance to international and
indigenous NGOs capable of responding to the massive
reconstructive needs in the unrecognized Republic of Somaliland,
even if the territory's political status is unresolved.

Given the region's 1.5 million refugees and 6 million internally
displaced, lasting peace, reconstruction and nation-building require
well-planned and properly funded repatriation programs when
conditions in the Horn permit.

Democratization

The United States should recognize and support the numerous
fledgling attempts at democratization throughout the Horn. Many are
locally rooted movements for self-determination and greater popular
control of processes and systems that affect people's lives. These
have taken a variety of forms, some based on religion, some on racial
or ethnic identity, some on ideology, and still others on geographic
location. The important policy implication here is to remain flexible in
assessing the different manifestations of democracy which might
emerge in response to the Horn's unique history.

Because the process of and results from regional elections in Ethiopia
were not universally accepted inside or outside the country, the United
States should expand its aid program in order to assist the transitional
government in building a more broadly based coalition in preparation
for national elections. The United States was slow to support the
election process. The more the United States and other donors
constructively support the process of including all segments of
Ethiopian society in the democratization process, the better the
prospects are for success.

Both directly and through the United Nations, the United States should
support the referendum process in Eritrea through financial and
technical assistance. After 30 years of armed struggle, Eritreans have
won their right to self-determination. By April 1993, an internationally
monitored referendum allowing the people to decide their own future
will be completed.

The United States should work diplomatically and financially to isolate
the government of Sudan. The U.S. Congress has clearly stated that
no government that is systematically abusing human rights and
repressing international dissent is eligible for U.S. non-emergency aid.
The Congress has further legislated that the United States not support
any multilateral aid as well, including World Bank and International
Monetary Fund credits. These laws clearly apply to the current regime
in Sudan, which has ruthlessly repressed basic human rights along
religious and racial lines. The United States should further encourage
other donor governments to withhold non-emergency aid to Sudan and
encourage the situation to be taken up at the level of the UN Security
Council.

The United States should promote greater utilization of the UN Human
Rights Commission for the purpose of investigating and publicizing
human rights abuses in the Horn and developing recommendations for
the international community to deal with egregious violators.